Natural elites have, for the most part, disappeared under mass democracy. Who are these natural elites? The local leaders of civil society. What is civil society? Local voluntarily-funded fraternity associations such as the Odd Fellows and Rebekahs, Kinsmen Club, or Lions Club represent civil society. As does the local chamber of commerce, the Royal Legion, and various churches, temples, and synagogues.
The State has systematically diminished these non-state institutions. Others have been wiped out and lost to history (such voluntarily-funded mutual aid societies). If it wasn't clear before the COVID lockdowns and vaccine passports, it's obvious now. Natural social authority no longer exists. What survives of civil society tows the corporate state narrative. Those who step out of line are dealt with accordingly.
Without the power of local, natural elites independent of the State, legalizing competition for the State's protection and justice "services" may result in chaos and civil war. Indeed, it would put Canada as a nation-state on vulnerable terms vis-à-vis the rest of the world (far worse than Justin Trudeau's arrogant incompetence has cost Canada on the world stage).
The solution is a bottom-up revolution with many – peaceful – battles on many fronts. It will be similar to guerrilla warfare, except Gene Sharp's The Methods of Nonviolent Action will be our guide, rather than the violent communist rhetoric found in Mao Tse-Tung or Ernesto "Che" Guevara's treatises on guerrilla warfare. Ours will be a peaceful bottom-up reformation that embodies the belief that the pen is mightier than the sword.
How We'll Do It
In a stateless alternate universe, an intellectual makes the case for a compulsorily-funded monopoly of ultimate decision-making. The concept is so ridiculous no one takes him seriously. In our universe, these intellectuals make up the majority. The State must establish an education monopoly to legitimatize its rule and justify its actions intellectually. But like protection and justice, state-controlled education leads to a decline in quality and a rise in costs. The State uses publicly funded education and research to protect itself from public resistance.
We cannot reform this system from within. We must completely eliminate it. The classical liberals were wrong about public schooling. What started as a means to ensure every citizen received a primary education has morphed into mass indoctrination. Consider the current zeitgeist surrounding Residential Schools. Designed to "breed the Indian out of the child" and indoctrinate them to Judeo-Christian values - this is how all state schools work. The modern public system separates the child from their family and emphasizes a "national community" by indoctrinating them into the civic religion of the democratic State. We've had over 150 years of this. Most of today's teachers don't even realize what they're doing. Nor do the parents. Only when the narrative goes too far do parents object.
Therefore, it is up to the intellectuals of society, outside the corporate state apparatus, to promote liberty and property. To advance homeschooling, private schooling, and unschooling. To delegitimize democracy and the democratic monopoly of justice and protection. Very few of these intellectuals will come from academia. Figures like Jordan Peterson – who isn't necessarily anti-democratic but sympathetic to the Tory cause – have come from academia but have been pushed out. Governing bodies captured by Statist thinking demand "social media retraining" and other struggle sessions for those who don't fit the mould. Therefore, one must be willing to look outside traditional means of education and intellectual outlets.
The Ludwig von Mises Institute is a good place to start.
The Tory Anarchist Social Revolution
Tory anarchism is a bottom-up revolutionary strategy for achieving a pro-Western private property society. In effect, we can use democracy as a defensive tool, where we elect anti-democratic politicians, particularly to local and provincial governments. National elections should not be our primary focus. Like trying to bring down education and academia from the inside, attempting to elect a freedom-loving federal government before laying the groundwork will likely backfire. National governments are also known for their corruption and bending to lobbyists. As I write this, many Canadians are placing their faith in Pierre Poilievre to reverse course on Justin Trudeau's reign of terror. And while Poilievre will fix Canada's Trudeau problem, partisan politics can only go so far.
Tory anarchists need to focus on municipalities, school boards, and other local administrative boards of control. In Canada, municipalities are creatures of statute created by provincial governments. So, provincial elections are also essential to keep in mind. For example, Ontario Premier Doug Ford has expanded the powers of select city mayors.
For our purposes, municipalities have power over property taxes. Ideally, an anti-democratic mayor and council can limit voting on local affairs to private property owners. Voting power won't be equal, either. The amount of equity owned and the amount of taxes paid contribute to how much voting power the property owner has. Public employees, such as teachers, judges, police officers, and welfare recipients, will be excluded from voting on local tax and regulation matters. In effect, anyone not a property owner working in the private sector will be locked out of local government.
What will the "Tory bourgeoisie" do once in control of the municipality, school boards, and other local administrations? They will sell off all the assets. They'll have to create an inventory of schools, police stations, courthouses, roads, and anything else under municipal control or ownership. Unlike the crony-capitalist "privatization" democratic governments are so fond of (the selling of the 407 highway is a good example), Tory anarchist privatization won't sell government assets to the highest corporate bidder and pocket the proceeds. On the contrary, they will distribute property shares or stocks to local private property owners based on the total lifetime property taxes paid. Then these property owners will be able to trade these shares freely on the open market.
In effect, the Tory anarchist reformation will abolish local and provincial governments. Villages, towns, rural communities, and cities will become liberated territories. Residents will rehire the necessary former bureaucrats, teachers, police officers, and judges as self-employed individuals or private companies. Associations like the Law Society of Ontario will still exist, but free entry into competing legal societies will also exist. Lawyers and judges rightfully alarmed at the "woke" undermining of the Western legal tradition can reopen a competitive Law Society of Upper Canada on more conservative grounds.
Of course, there is the issue of higher levels of government.
No doubt, the Tory anarchist social revolution will anger the higher-ups. Neo-liberals and useful idiot leftists will be frothing at the mouths. But the question will be: how effective will the propaganda be? We saw with the Freedom Convoy how the corporate press manipulated the masses. From overwhelming support to condemnation, the average Canadian's perspective morphed as politicians, the media, and academia denounced the peaceful demonstration as violent hate speech. The lack of clarity and ongoing occupation played a role, just as it had with the public's tolerance of Occupy encampments. But whereas Occupy lasted months in several cities, the Freedom Convoy was given a few weeks in one city.
But the crucial lesson is that the State and its beneficiaries are always in the minority. Even under a democratic government, the State apparatus represents a small minority of Canadians. We call them the Laurentian Elite. They can only enforce their will with widespread support and cooperation. One can imagine if Russia invaded the far north and occupied parts of the Arctic archipelago. Without a sufficient military to fend off the attack and defend our territory, the Trudeau government announces, "All is fine, we are actually donating that land to the Russians for climate change research." The outrage would be palpable. The minority in Ottawa would have no chance against the anger of the majority.
That said, during the initial phases of the Tory revolution, it'll be best to avoid direct confrontation with the federal government. A strategy of passive resistance and non-cooperation should be encouraged. Again, Gene Sharpe's book is an excellent resource for how to do this. He offers nearly 200 examples of nonviolent tactics used throughout history. The federal government will find its power diminished with consistent non-cooperation and non-enforcement of federal and provincial laws. Cities and rural associations will increasingly mind their own business, making federal occupation with the military or RCMP unlikely. If the feds call on the Emergencies Act and freeze bank accounts, no matter. As part of the social revolution, using the Big Five Banks will be discouraged in favour of local credit unions, cryptocurrency, and the counter-economy.
Once we reach a critical mass of cities, villages, and towns, and the proof is in the pudding, a domino effect will take over, and a nationwide local movement will undermine federal and provincial authorities. No doubt, as the movement grows, cries for reopening the constitution and creating "citizen committees" will be heard. We should ignore them for what they are – last-ditch efforts by the central State to hold onto its grips of power. Once the Tory anarchist revolution hits critical mass, mass public opinion will force federal authorities to abdicate their monopoly and deal with citizens on a purely contractual basis.
We will have killed the era of the "social contract" between state and citizen. A new age of liberty and property begins, resting on the consent of the individual will.
Sir John A MacDonald's Federalism: Revamped
Only then can we rebuild the federal Parliament to serve the needs of thousands of autonomous Canadian communities, their families, and their individuals—a Parliament whose sole function is national defence—the primary and only function of the Canadian State. We insist on new rules to ensure Parliament doesn't once again become drunk with power. Members of Parliament should be elected according to the content of their character, not their party affiliation. MPs will vote their conscience in the House of Commons, not with what the party demands.
In fact, it would be best if political parties were outlawed.
Now, how is the Westminster system supposed to work without political parties? Once MPs arrive in Ottawa, they arrange rotational meetings so everyone can meet everyone else in smaller settings. Through discussions, they find mutual interests. For example, perhaps there's interest in building a military base on Meighen Island. Enough MPs may agree on that subject and a few other things that they elect a cabinet amongst themselves. If there are two or more factions in the House with different cabinets, the Speaker of the House decides who forms government. The cabinet with the most MP support will most likely form the government. The leader of this cabinet then becomes prime minister.
Of course, in the Tory anarchist vision of Canada, the prime minister has a severely diminished role. You would only know the prime minister's name if you had a keen interest in politics, national defence, and executive power. Of course, we should always look for a concentration of power in the Prime Minister's Office. If the government starts to control Parliament rather than vice versa, the country is in trouble. Canada's local autonomous regions would be justified in withdrawing their consent from the Dominion.
Hence, we should free MPs from party bias by freeing them of party status altogether. They represent their constituents' interests while forming their own opinions as parliamentarians. Political parties limit the ability of individual MPs to express dissenting views or influence policy independently. Only when we rid the system of political parties will Question Period return to substantive debates rather than the childish political theatre it has become.
Likewise, the Crown, represented by the Governor General, should retain constitutional powers over Parliament after the Tory anarchist revolution. While the prime minister currently influences these powers, the Governor General may look completely different in the future. A lottery may pick a Canadian family chosen to represent the Crown and keep the democratic excesses of Parliament in check. That way, the democratic State is handicapped from the top (the monarch) and the bottom (the autonomous communities that can withdraw their consent at any time).
As for the Senate, many Canadians want to see an elected upper house of Parliament. But this goes against the spirit of the Westminster System. Others want to see the Senate abolished altogether. But an unelected Senate is another bulwark against the excesses of a democratic State. The problem is when demagogue politicians appoint long-term friends to the Senate. A Senate seat has become a commodity bought and sold according to the unnatural principles of democratic privileges.
Instead, since the only function of the federal government is national defence, the Senate can consist of appointed retired military veterans, representing the different regions of the country, suggested by the Armed Forces, and voted by all MPs. Canada's House of Sober Second Thought, consisting of military vets, would help keep bloodthirsty politicians (and even the masses) from voting for unnecessary wars. Men and women who've faced real battles aren't eager to vote their brothers and sisters into harm's way.
Of course, if the Tory anarchist social revolution results in thousands – even tens of thousands – of autonomous communities all over North America, we may find the need for a central government unnecessary. National defence may become an antiquated concept. "Canada" or the “United States” may become cultural traits people share rather than administrative nation-states with physical borders.